By any fair measure, George Santos is the most controversial member of Congress — from either party, in either chamber — from the last several years. After the New York Republican was exposed as a prolific liar, having created a detailed personal narrative that bore no resemblance to reality, he ultimately pleaded guilty to wire fraud and aggravated identity theft, before being sentenced to prison.
One year later, The New York Times’ Michelle Goldberg wrote in her latest column that Republican Rep. Cory Mills of Florida is facing allegations that are “far uglier than the misdeeds of George Santos.”
Ouch.
Arguably the most serious controversy surrounding Mills is the alleged revenge-porn matter. NBC News reported this week that Mills “is alleged to have threatened to release sexually explicit videos and images of a woman who said she was previously in a relationship with him, according to a police incident report.” The GOP congressman has denied any wrongdoing.
As we discussed a couple of days ago, it’s one of a variety of controversies surrounding Mills. The list includes a police investigation into an alleged assault (Mills “vehemently” denied wrongdoing, and the other party ultimately changed her story and claimed there was no physical altercation); questions surrounding an award Mills received as part of his military service; a House Ethics Committee investigation into Mills over his financial disclosure reports and possible omissions (Mills again has denied any wrongdoing); and a lawsuit seeking his eviction over alleged failure to pay thousands of dollars in rent at a property in the nation’s capital (Mills posted on social media to say he had attempted to pay). In each of these instances, Mills has said the allegations are unfounded and presented defenses.
The sheer volume of the controversies hasn’t just put his future in doubt, it’s also created a new challenge for the House Republican leadership. What, if anything, are GOP leaders prepared to do as the allegations surrounding the Floridian add up and generate headlines?
With this in mind, Politico reported that the “the drumbeat of tawdry allegations has raised eyebrows in Washington, but it has not translated into any overt effort to sideline the two-term Florida Republican.” From the article:
GOP leaders in the House and in his home state appear to be betting that Mills’ various messes will sort themselves out without blowing back on the party more broadly — and potentially threatening its hold on power. … Because national party operatives view his seat as safe, there is little incentive for GOP leaders to engage as the accusations swirl.
This is a flawed perspective. If Politico’s reporting is accurate, the House Republican leadership is working from the assumption that Mills represents a ruby-red district; a Democratic victory in the district is effectively impossible; so party leaders have the luxury of shrugging with indifference.
But there’s another available option: If this Daytona Beach-area district is a mortal lock for the GOP, then House Republican leaders could force Mills out, confident in the knowledge that he’ll be replaced by a Republican successor.
“That, however, would violate the spirit of Trump’s Washington, which grants near total license to the president’s allies,” Goldberg noted in her Times column.
All of this reminds me of a story from the recent past.
Twenty years ago, there was a Republican-led Congress working with a Republican president in his second term, just like now. At the time, the GOP suffered through a difficult “culture of corruption” era, fearing an astonishing number of Republican lawmakers who were caught up in ugly scandals. Names like Tom DeLay, Duke Cunningham, Bob Ney and Mark Foley became nationally notorious for a reason — and in the 2006 midterms, the party lost its majority. Four years later, after Republicans retook the House majority, GOP leaders went out of their way to make clear that they wouldn’t allow a replay of their earlier troubles. The new Republican majority, House GOP leaders said, would embrace a “zero-tolerance policy” for members caught up in embarrassing controversies that reflected poorly on the party. For a while, they even seemed to mean it. In 2010, then-Rep. Mark Souder of Indiana acknowledged that he’d had an affair with a congressional staffer. GOP leaders urged him to resign, and he did. Less than a year later, then-Rep. Chris Lee of New York was caught trying to meet women through the personals section of Craigslist. GOP leaders urged him to resign, and he did. In 2014, then-Rep. Vance McAllister of Louisiana was filmed kissing a staffer who was not his wife. GOP leaders urged him to resign, and though he refused, at least they made the effort. (McAllister lost his re-election bid soon after.) In each of these instances, House Republican leaders didn’t simply leave matters to voters. They didn’t care that the members hadn’t been formally charged with any crimes. They didn’t punt concerns to the Ethics Committee. For all of their faults — and there were many — GOP leaders set standards and enforced them when members were caught up in humiliating scandals. Years later, the questions for House Speaker Mike Johnson and his team are obvious: Do congressional Republicans still care about these standards? If not, why not? This post updates our related earlier coverage.
Steve Benen is a producer for "The Rachel Maddow Show," the editor of MaddowBlog and an MS NOW political contributor. He's also the bestselling author of "Ministry of Truth: Democracy, Reality, and the Republicans' War on the Recent Past."
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