Elon Musk has formally left the White House and the Department of Government Efficiency, as he attempts to reset his image from haphazard budget slasher back to supposed tech visionary. Whether he actually leaves Washington or not, Democrats need to make sure that the next time they’re in power they hold him accountable for his disastrous tenure.
Before coming to Washington, Musk promised to deliver, via DOGE, at least $1 trillion in government savings. The billionaire delivered only a small fraction of that, and left a legacy, in the words of the New York Times’s Michelle Goldberg, of “disease, starvation, and death.”
A politics of no consequences is having dangerous and far-reaching effects.
As I detail in my recent book, Musk’s far-right politics complement his self-messianic view that only he can solve the problems facing the U.S. As his purchase and subsequent degradation of Twitter showed, this drive is stymied by his poor management and worse ideas. But at DOGE, operating with the backing of the president, he has been unconstrained by more rational actors.
The resulting attack on the federal government left agencies across the administration in chaos. DOGE’s assault on USAID in particular will have deadly ramifications on the world’s least fortunate for years, if not decades. Federal regulators in positions that could affect Musk’s businesses have been defunded, removed or otherwise cowed.
The full extent of the damage is still to be determined. DOGE smashed the walls put in place between agencies to protect the privacy of Americans and made it easier for federal officials to achieve full spectrum dominance of personal information. That information, in turn, is soon to be managed by the data processing and surveillance firm Palantir, a company co-founded by Musk ally Peter Thiel.
This raises a dilemma for Democrats if they retake Congress in 2026 and the White House in 2028: Since Musk continues to hold considerable influence in the executive branch, what should they do about this man’s destructive behavior if they retake power in the future?
The last two times Democrats won the White House, their victories came on the back of popular discontent with the incumbent GOP administration. In both cases, the Democratic base and the general public hoped that the new administration would take some action to hold their predecessors accountable. But that was not the case.
In January of 2009, incoming President Barack Obama rejected calls to investigate Bush administration programs such as domestic eavesdropping on U.S. citizens. “We need to look forward as opposed to looking backwards,” he told George Stephanopoulos just before taking office. And despite entering office just after the 2008 financial crisis, Obama’s administration declined to interrogate big banks’ culpability in the collapse.
Trump’s second administration has struck numerous blows against the rule of law and accountability.
For Biden, the need at the moment of his inauguration for criminal investigation and prosecution of Trump couldn’t have been clearer. After inciting a riot on Jan. 6, 2021, with dark warnings of election fraud and exhortations to a belligerent crowd to “fight like hell,” Trump was impeached — but too late to be removed from office. Biden could have directed the Justice Department to aggressively pursue justice against Trump, but instead appointed a slow-moving attorney general who seemed disinterested in taking decisive action and lost the momentum.








