This is an adapted excerpt from the Oct. 29 episode of “The Briefing with Jen Psaki.”
Typically, when people talk about Donald Trump’s retribution campaign, they talk about his pressure to bring criminal charges against people such as Sen. Adam Schiff of California, New York Attorney General Letitia James, former FBI Director James Comey and former special counsel Jack Smith.
Those are definitely glaring examples of Trump’s revenge tour, but the retribution campaign goes far beyond just trying to get current and former public officials thrown in jail.
Trump is deploying federal troops to the streets of Democratic-led cities in what appears to be an attempt to punish voters in places where he got the least support. Just this week, he threatened to send troops into even more cities. On Wednesday, The Wall Street Journal reported the Pentagon is establishing a “quick reaction force” inside the National Guard so that Trump can deploy troops to any city he wants at any time.
Trump has also used the shutdown fight to cancel infrastructure projects in Democratic congressional districts, in order to punish even more people who didn’t vote for him. Last week, he approved disaster aid for three states he won in the last election, while denying disaster aid to three states he lost.
Trump is engaging in a whole-of-government retribution campaign, using every lever of the federal government to target anyone in this country who he thinks is insufficiently loyal to him.
That has been his goal ever since his first term in office, when he tried to do the same thing over and over, only to be stopped by some of the people around him. So Trump knew the only way he could carry out that campaign of retribution in his second term was by making sure that, this time, there was no one around to stand in his way.
As Trump told journalist Jonathan Karl for his new book “Retribution,” the difference between his first and second terms is “I know everybody now, and when I first came I knew nobody. … We had a lot of great people. But I didn’t know people. Had to rely on recommendations. Now I know people, so it’s good.”
There are reasons that there is typically a lengthy vetting process for every person nominated to be in a president’s Cabinet. The first is, of course, to make sure there are no surprises during the confirmation process, but the more important process is determining whether they are up for doing the job.
But Trump ignored both of those criteria in favor of his own preferred test: Who was most likely to be loyal to him? Who would be so indebted to him for nominating them that they would carry out virtually any order he gave? That led to Trump assembling the most incompetent Cabinet of sycophants in modern American history.
Karl’s book offers a new window into how this clown car of people ended up in Trump’s Cabinet. Take, for instance, the president’s appointment of Kristi Noem to be the head of homeland security.
As Karl writes:








