As last week got underway, Donald Trump’s imperialistic rhetoric about acquiring Greenland took a rather unsettling turn. Asked whether he was prepared to assure the public that he would not use military coercion against the island, the president-elect demurred — suggesting that as far as the Republican was concerned, a military threat against a NATO ally was on the table.

In case that weren’t quite enough, Trump added, in reference to Greenland’s status as a semi-autonomous territory of the Kingdom of Denmark: “People really don’t even know that Denmark has any legal right to it, but if they do, they should give it up because we need it for national security.”

The posturing continues to have reverberations. Officials in Denmark, for example, have reportedly sent back-channel messages to the president-elect’s team, exploring the possibility of a new agreement. On the island, meanwhile, Greenland Prime Minister Mute Egede has made it explicitly clear that the Greenlandic people “don’t want to be Americans,” even as Trump prepares to send Ken Howery, a venture capitalist and Elon Musk pal, to broker some kind of deal.

As for the reaction on Capitol Hill, a group of House Republicans introduced legislation this week to empower the incoming administration to move forward with plans to acquire Greenland, while most Democrats tend to see all of this as ridiculous.

There are apparently some exceptions, however. The Daily Beast noted:

Pennsylvania Sen. John Fetterman said Wednesday he’s open to Donald Trump’s idea that the U.S. acquire Greenland, telling reporters that it’s “strategically a smart thing.” “I mean, it’s pretty reasonable, and I think it’s actually strategically a smart thing,” Fetterman said, according to NBC News. CNN’s Manu Raju added that Fetterman told the press that he would support the acquisition if Denmark did as well.

Those comments came on the heels of Fetterman appearing on Fox News last week and making a similar assessment. While the Pennsylvanian said he would “never support” taking Greenland by force, he went on to equate the possible territorial expansion with the Louisiana Purchase.

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If it seems as if Fetterman has taken a variety of related steps in recent weeks, it’s not your imagination. In the aftermath of the 2024 elections — a cycle in which his home state’s voters elected a new GOP senator while backing the Trump-Vance ticket — the Democrat has:

• met with the president-elect at Mar-a-Lago;
• joined Trump’s social media platform;
• endorsed a presidential pardon for Trump, calling the New York case against the Republican “bulls—”;
• described Trump as “a singular political talent”;
• met with Kash Patel and seemed reassured when the GOP operative said he wouldn’t pursue the names on his enemies list if confirmed as the next FBI director;
• cosponsored the Republicans’ Laken Riley Act, ignoring the bill’s many serious flaws;
• and reportedly indicated an openness to supporting Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s Cabinet nomination, despite his history of radicalism.

It’s reached the point at which former House Speaker Kevin McCarthy said he wants to see Fetterman lead the Democratic Party.

In case this isn’t obvious, in the not-too-distant past, Fetterman described himself as a “progressive” and backed Sen. Bernie Sanders’ 2016 presidential campaign. More recently, however, the senator told NBC News, “I’m not a progressive.”

It’s difficult to say with confidence what’s behind the Pennsylvanian’s shifts, but those hoping to see Senate Democrats maintain a united front against the incoming administration should keep this in mind: There are real differences between the old Fetterman and the new Fetterman.