President-elect Donald Trump won the election outright after spending months preparing his followers to deem any loss the subject of fraud. With that win, though, the groundwork he laid didn’t simply vanish into the ether. What we’re now seeing is the MAGA movement twist and contort itself to try to make this new reality fit into its established worldview.
Trump voters themselves have proved remarkably malleable in this way. Prior to the election, a full 87% of Trump voters contacted in a survey by Politico and Morning Consult agreed that voter fraud was going to be a serious issue that could determine the race’s outcome. You may be shocked to learn that number plummeted during a survey conducted after the results were in, with only 24% thinking now that fraud could have determined the winner (or did).
Trump voters themselves have proved remarkably malleable in this way.
You’ll note, though, that number isn’t “zero,” as some people are still readily clinging to the specter of voter fraud and rewriting history in the process. A major conspiracy theory that circulated on the right after Election Day was that Trump’s victory vindicated their claims of fraud in 2020. Seeing Vice President Kamala Harris lose with fewer votes than Trump had earned four years ago became warped evidence that the previous race was rigged. (The difference in final vote count is better explained by how long California takes to tally its ballots and a wave of onetime voters opting to stay home this year.)
It’s in this space that conservative election deniers are operating, working to bolster their own priorities now that one of their major motivators lies dormant. “The election denial movement has been evolving and shapeshifting in an effort to stay relevant,” Lizzie Ulmer, a senior vice president at States United Action, recently told Reuters. And while less overtly coordinated than the “Stop the Steal” effort that materialized after Trump’s 2020 loss, many of the goals and members remain the same.
Among them are the enablers and charlatans who are ready to sweep the less comfortable parts of their previous narratives under the rug. Conservative historian slash MAGA windbag Dinesh D’Souza was one of the loudest voices alleging voter fraud in 2020. Over the weekend, he posted an apology letter to his website stemming from his documentary “2000 Mules.” Endorsed by Trump and many of his acolytes, the film falsely claimed that a web of Democratic operatives dumped thousands of fraudulent ballots for Joe Biden in drop boxes around the country and that this was enough to “steal” the election from Trump.
In the letter, D’Souza specifically apologized to one person, Mark Andrews, who was labeled a ballot harvester (one of the supposed “mules”) and filed a defamation lawsuit in response. The film’s distributor, Salem Media, issued a similar retraction earlier this year. But it’s worth noting D’Souza mostly throws the group that provided the incorrect data “2000 Mules” analysis under the bus. He also doesn’t fully repent, writing that “the underlying premise of the film holds true” while offering a modicum of remorse for any harm caused to Andrews.
A number of Republicans are shifting tactics on mostly nonexistent voter fraud while retaining their overarching goals. After Trump’s loss in 2020, many GOP-controlled state legislatures hurried to pass stricter election laws on the pretense of blocking further cheating by Democrats. It would have been easy for them to pat themselves on the back and hang up a “Mission Accomplished” banner now that Trump’s headed back to the White House.
Instead, Republicans are doubling down to try to lock in their gains against future electoral losses, with even stricter laws being considered in Georgia and Arizona. Congressional Republicans will also likely resurrect the Safeguard American Voter Eligibility Act, which would force states to require documentary proof of citizenship when people register to vote. It’s a hurdle that would make registration harder for many voters in the name of solving the nonissue of noncitizens voting.








