Anyone who is concerned about the prospect of Donald Trump becoming president of the United States again should join in this sincere request: Please, congressional Republicans, impeach President Joe Biden.
Earlier this month the House voted to authorize an impeachment “inquiry,” the first step in the process, with every single Republican voting yes and every Democrat voting no. But the GOP’s courage may falter should they question the political wisdom of this endeavor — or heaven forbid, decide that they need evidence of actual wrongdoing on Biden’s part before they barrel forward with a doomed attempt to remove him from office.
To call Comer a buffoon is an insult to buffoons everywhere.
It’s hard to know how many Republicans sincerely believe impeachment is substantively justified or politically wise. Some less extreme Republicans have even publicly expressed their skepticism, admitting that there isn’t sufficient evidence to warrant impeachment. In fact, there’s no evidence at all that Biden has committed any high crimes or misdemeanors. Yet the impeachment train rolls slowly forward — not at top speed yet, but with a building momentum.
The case against Biden is being prosecuted by Rep. James Comer, R-Ky., the Keystone Cop who chairs the Oversight Committee (there are also investigations underway in two other House committees). His central charges are twofold: First, that before Biden became president, his son Hunter used the family name to win contracts from foreign entities for not doing much (basically true); and, second, that this amounts to corruption on Joe Biden’s part (false).
To call Comer a buffoon is an insult to buffoons everywhere. Again and again, the Kentucky congressman has rushed to Fox News to announce that he has at last uncovered the smoking gun, only to hold up a handful of wilted cabbage.
Aha, Comer says, we found bank records showing that the president’s brother James gave him $200,000! It must have been some kind of bribe! No, it was the repayment of a loan. Oh well.
Aha, Comer says, Hunter Biden was indicted for tax evasion by the special counsel appointed to investigate him — an investigation the president hasn’t interfered with. The indictment must be part of a truly diabolical cover-up! No, it’s just the way a special counsel’s investigation is supposed to work.
In the latest embarrassment, Comer triumphantly revealed a 2019 text Hunter Biden sent to his daughter, saying, “don’t worry unlike Pop I won’t make you give me half your salary,” supposed proof that Hunter was sharing profits from overseas dealings with the future president. But it turned out that Hunter was referring not to some nefarious kickback scheme, but to the fact that when he was in college, his father tried to keep him from being spoiled by making him share half his earnings from part-time jobs for “room and board.”
Though many Republican lawmakers know this impeachment effort is a farce, none felt they could vote against moving it forward.
That story is emblematic of Republicans’ approach to their investigation: At every turn, they ask not, “Has there been any genuine wrongdoing?” but rather, “Can we take this inconsequential piece of information, wrench it out of context and spin it into a preposterous allegation against the president?” Invariably, the answer is “Yes!”
But impeachment is not a five-minute Fox News bit. Should we get to a real impeachment, every piece of “evidence” they present will be examined by Democrats and the president’s lawyers, who will have the opportunity to rebut their charges in public hearings that will likely garner a broad audience.
It may not happen very often, but the public is capable of arriving at a nuanced judgment that takes account of ordinary human failings. That is the political danger impeachment presents for Republicans. In then-President Bill Clinton’s impeachment, after a year of intense media coverage and millions of conversations in dining rooms and at water coolers, most Americans agreed that Clinton’s behavior, though shabby, didn’t warrant removing him from office. Give people enough time to mull over what Republicans have come up with, and they’ll likely conclude that while Hunter Biden is a pitiable man whose personal issues led him to some shocking places, his father is guilty of nothing more than loving his son. The vote to authorize the inquiry offers a preview of what might happen next. Though many Republican lawmakers know this impeachment effort is a farce, none felt they could vote against moving it forward. This is where power and incentives come into play. Power on the right is diffuse: It resides in Congress, among activists, with the conservative media and of course with Donald Trump himself. Many of those forces will push impeachment forward for their own reasons, whether it be ratings, fundraising or demonstrations of fealty. While House Speaker Mike Johnson has the institutional authority to decide whether impeachment goes forward, he’s shown no ability to resist if pressure continues to rise. Other than Trump, there is no one in the GOP who could say (as Nancy Pelosi did for Democrats on more than one occasion), “This is foolish, and we’re not doing it. End of discussion.” The Colorado Supreme Court’s decision to boot Trump from the ballot — which will likely be heard (and almost certainly overturned) by the U.S. Supreme Court in short order — will provide more momentum, as Republicans seek to slake their thirst for revenge. “You tried to do that to our king?” they’ll say, “Well we’re going to impeach Biden! See how you like it!” Then once articles of impeachment are filed, party loyalty will demand that nearly every Republican get behind the push. A few secure GOP senators may ultimately vote not to convict — not that it makes a difference, given the Senate’s two-thirds threshold for such a vote. But before then, any Republican who doesn’t jump on board will be called a traitor and risk their career. It would be an overstatement to say that if Republicans impeach Biden it will guarantee his re-election. But not only did Clinton avoid conviction easily; Democrats uncharacteristically gained seats in that year’s midterms. This election is going to be extremely close, and if House Republicans want to step up and make sure Donald Trump doesn’t become president again, this is their chance.
Paul Waldman is a journalist and author focused on politics and culture. 
