To embrace Donald Trump or not embrace Donald Trump?
That is the question many Republicans and their leaders are wrestling with as the presumptive nominee prepares to visit Capitol Hill on Thursday as he seeks to build closer alliances with top GOP officials.
Over the past four months, as Trump kept winning GOP primaries, congressional Republicans divided into four camps.
A small bloc of House members and Alabama Sen. Jeff Sessions enthusiastically backed him.
A rival but equally small group, led by Nebraska Sen. Ben Sasse and later joined by South Carolina Sen. Lindsey Graham, said they would never vote for the real estate mogul.
Another group, including House Speaker Paul Ryan and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, publicly announced their differences with Trump on specific issues and the overall tone of his campaign rhetoric, while leaving open the possibility of backing him later.
And a fourth group has essentially stayed silent, or in the case New Hampshire Sen. Kelly Ayotte, tried to have it both ways: saying she will “support” Trump but not “endorse” him.
Whatever their positions, many of those Republicans will be focused most on their own self-preservation. And the reticence to fully embrace Trump reflects concerns that the candidate, if he maintains his current unpopularity in the polls, could not only lose the presidency but cost Republicans in Congress their jobs too.
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“If I was a GOP House or Senate candidate in a battleground state I’d be searching for a 3rd alternative to back. Trump’s #s are toxic,” said longtime GOP operative Brian Walsh on Twitter last week.
Walsh had been a top operative in the national Republican Senate campaign operation in 2010 and 2012.
The GOP has sizable majorities in both the House and Senate, but most Americans are likely to vote in November for congressional candidates from the same party as the presidential candidate they support.
So if Trump loses badly to Hillary Clinton, the way John McCain did to Barack Obama in 2008, Democrats could sweep into power in Congress as well. Democrats will need to gain 30 seats in this fall’s elections to get a majority in the House, and five seats for a Senate majority. Senate Republicans are particularly vulnerable, with six seats up in states that Obama won in 2012.
“The Senate these days tends to follow the top of the ticket, so if Trump loses the states where GOP senators are up for re-election, most if not all will also lose,” said Henry Olsen, a senior fellow at the conservative Ethics and Public Policy Center.
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“The House,” he added, “is less partisan, although still highly so.”
Mark Graul, who ran President Bush’s 2004 reelection operation in Wisconsin, told the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel this week, “The big concern I have at this early stage is … if (Trump’s) presence on the ballot is going to depress Republican turnout.”
For now, even as party strategists acknowledge wariness about Trump’s potentially-negative impact on the rest of the party, Republican officeholders are not fretting publicly.
Asked on Tuesday about the prospect of Trump causing his colleagues to lose their seats, McConnell downplayed the issue, citing some new polling released this week by Quinnipiac University that show Trump effectively tied with Clinton in some key swing states.
“It looks to me, at the beginning of the race, Florida and Ohio look competitive,” said McConnell, who until recently had been taking steps to stop Trump from winning the nomination.
But he added, in a nod towards the unpredictability of this campaign, “we’ll see.”
Tom Cole, a House Republican from Oklahoma who used to run the party’s re-election arm for the House, emphasized that House members have “distinct identities” in their congressional districts and are not defined completely by the person at the top of the ticket.









