When the Supreme Court begins its new term Monday, the death penalty will dominate the justices’ attention, as four separate capital punishment cases are on the docket. In a new interview with MSNBC, Justice Stephen Breyer explained why he thinks the Court should consider banning the practice.
“Sometimes it’s the wrong person,” he said, citing instances of wrongful convictions in capital cases. “Often it’s very arbitrary as to who gets executed — it’s not the worst of the worst, very often,” Breyer said.
“The risk of arbitrariness is so great,” he continued, “and all that put together convinced me that there is a good case to be made under the Constitutional provision, ‘Is it a cruel and unusual punishment’– those are the things that are relevant — that this court should hear the case.”
Breyer was reflecting on the arguments from his dissent this summer, when the court rejected a challenge to specific drugs Oklahoma planned to use to execute a convicted murderer, Richard Glossip. That ruling cleared a path for the execution, but on Friday, a lower court halted it indefinitely.
WATCH: Shocking stay of execution in Oklahoma
The high court’s new cases only cover limited aspects of capital punishment – sentencing and jury instructions – but even death penalty supporters see a larger tide turning.
%E2%80%9CSometimes%20it%27s%20the%20wrong%20person.%20Often%20it%27s%20very%20arbitrary%20as%20to%20who%20gets%20executed%20%E2%80%94%20it%27s%20not%20the%20worst%20of%20the%20worst%2C%20very%20often.%E2%80%9D’
“I sat with three colleagues who thought the death penalty is unconstitutional,” Justice Antonin Scalia said this month at Rhodes College in Memphis, “and there is now a fourth — Justice Breyer has announced that he thinks the death penalty is unconstitutional.” Scalia made headlines by noting he “wouldn’t be surprised” if the court ended capital punishment.
Breyer declined to address Scalia’s remarks, saying, “I won’t go beyond what I said — what I said was, ‘We should hear it.’ And that means you get arguments from both sides.”
Breyer spoke to MSNBC about a range of legal issues from the Lawyers’ Lounge at the Supreme Court, part of a series of interviews he granted to discuss his new book, “The Court and the World.”
“The Court and the World”
The book argues that while American courts traditionally focus on domestic precedent, they now increasingly face a duty to reckon with a globalized world. The thesis may strike lay audiences as uncontentious, but it actually counters a growing effort to narrow judicial review.
The book cites, for example, a 2004 House bill that sought to prevent judges from even examining material from “foreign institutions.” A third of the House Republicans caucus backed that legislation at the time.
%E2%80%9CThis%20world%20that%20we%27re%20in%20has%20increased%20complexity%20because%20security%20matters%20that%20threaten%20us%20are%20taking%20place%20abroad%2C%20because%20environmental%20matters%20that%20concern%20us%20involve%20more%20than%20our%20country.%E2%80%9D’
Yet the legal system has a vital, nonpartisan interest in weighing all information that could “help judges produce better decisions,” Breyer writes, regardless of its origin.
His book strikes a tone of respectful, reasoned disappointment with the kind of political nativism that increasingly spills into legal circles. This includes the arguably legitimate concerns that he addresses, such as the objections to applying “foreign law,” to unconstitutional and fairly appalling positions, such as calls to keep Muslims from serving as judges. (By focusing his analysis on the practice of judging, Breyer largely avoids an analysis of the sentiments animating these positions.)
“This world that we’re in has increased complexity because security matters that threaten us are taking place abroad, because environmental matters that concern us involve more than our country,” Breyer told MSNBC, “because trade, which at least has the possibility of enriching us, can sometimes do so when it takes place in more than one nation.”
Looking back
Asked about his most significant opinions for the court, Breyer volunteered an international copyright case, which illustrated themes from his book, and his thorough dissent to a controversial 2007 ruling, when a conservative majority halted school integration programs under Brown v. Board of Education.
“I went in considerable length to say that it was lawful sometimes to take race into account, for reasons of positive discrimination or affirmative action, in deciding who will go to what secondary school,” Breyer recalled.
%E2%80%9CI%20learned%20this%20from%20Arthur%20Goldberg%2C%20for%20whom%20I%20was%20a%20law%20clerk.%20He%20said%2C%20%E2%80%98You%20decide%20the%20case.%20Maybe%20you%20won%20it%20%E2%80%93%20maybe%20you%20lost%20it.%20And%20now%20what%20you%20do%20is%20it%E2%80%99s%20on%20to%20the%20next%20case.%E2%80%99%20And%20that%20is%20a%20much%20better%20attitude.%E2%80%9D’
He said he does not dwell, however, on past opinions.
“I felt strongly that education is such a huge problem, and part of it is tied up with race,” he noted, while emphasizing an approach he learned from Justice Arthur Goldberg.
“Do I go back and look back in an opinion I wrote and try to measure it and say, ‘Was I right? Hah hah hah’? No, I don’t,” he said. “I learned this from Arthur Goldberg, for whom I was a law clerk. He said, ‘You decide the case. Maybe you won it – maybe you lost it. And now what you do is it’s on to the next case.’ And that is a much better attitude.”
So while lawyers and scholars carefully parse judge’s opinions, Breyer says he does not re-read his work.
“When you’ve written the book, you’ve done your part,” he said. “It is then up to other people to decide whether they want to read it and whether they’ll learn something from it.”
While Breyer spoke about cases touching on many major issues, including Guantanamo, foreign treaties and domestic surveillance, he declined to discuss the dissent he joined in Citizens United, which held corporations have a First Amendment right to spend unlimited sums on campaigns.








