Question: What do these people have in common? A person who’s openly gay, someone who’s urged the GOP to adopt a pro-gay agenda, a man who’s signed a Supreme Court brief supporting marriage equality in California, a woman who encouraged her pro-gay pastor to preach his convictions — and someone who’s been dubbed an “exporter of hate” for his work to enshrine anti-gay language in constitutions abroad.
Answer: They all work for the former Florida governor and likely GOP presidential contender, Jeb Bush.
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Late Friday, prominent evangelical attorney Jordan Sekulow announced that he had signed on as senior adviser to Bush’s Right to Rise political action committee. Sekulow, the 32-year-old executive director of the American Center for Law and Justice (ACLJ), is notorious within LGBT advocacy circles for his support of anti-gay legislation abroad, particularly in Africa, where he has worked to keep homosexuality a criminal offense.
The timing of Sekulow’s hire is unusual, given that Buzzfeed’s Mckay Coppins recently dubbed Bush “2016’s Gay-Friendly Republican” for his seemingly softened stance on same-sex marriage and his growing team of gay-friendly operatives. But it serves as yet another reminder of the difficult position in which Republican presidential hopefuls now find themselves — not only do they have to win over the GOP’s evangelical base to secure the nomination, they have to do so in a way that doesn’t completely alienate the general electorate, which is growing ever-more diverse and supportive of gay rights.
Almost six in 10 Americans say they favor allowing gay and lesbian couples to marry, the highest level of support ever recorded in a NBC News/Wall Street Journal poll. Yet while support among Republicans has increased 13% since 2013, most GOP primary voters — 53% — still oppose same-sex marriage.
That split leaves Republican presidential contenders having to perform a kind of rhetorical balancing act that many have struggled so far to perfect. Former Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee, for example, recently made headlines when he said that expecting Christians to accept same-sex marriage was “like asking someone who’s Jewish to start serving bacon-wrapped shrimp in their deli.” Renowned neurosurgeon Ben Carson, another 2016 hopeful, was forced to apologize after he called homosexuality a choice — a theory proven, he said, by the fact that “a lot of people who go into prison go into prison straight, and when they come out, they’re gay.”
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Even Bush, whose whole adult life has played out in the political arena by virtue of his family, stumbled early on this year when he was questioned on the golf course about the arrival of marriage equality in his home state of Florida.
“The people of the state decided. But it’s been overturned by the courts, I guess,” Bush told the Miami Herald in a kind of halfhearted affirmation of his earlier opposition to marriage equality. The former governor later released a more polished and politically savvy statement on the matter.
“We live in a democracy, and regardless of our disagreements, we have to respect the rule of law. I hope that we can also show respect for the good people on all sides of the gay and lesbian marriage issue — including couples making lifetime commitments to each other who are seeking greater legal protections and those of us who believe marriage is a sacrament and want to safeguard religious liberty.”
That statement contained some of the most sympathetic language Bush had ever used in reference to LGBT rights, signaling to advocates that perhaps he had evolved from the governor who in 2004 supported his older brother, former President George W. Bush, in a push to create a constitutional amendment banning same-sex marriage. Additionally, as Coppins noted, Bush continued to surround himself with high-level operatives who were either gay-friendly or openly gay themselves.
David Kochel, who is expected to run Bush’s national campaign, spent the post-2012 election period calling on Republicans to drop the culture wars; Tim Miller, who was hired to do opposition research and communications, is a prominent gay Republican; Sally Bradshaw, a longtime adviser to Bush, once urged her former Presbyterian pastor to voice his support for same-sex marriage, even as some conservatives chose to leave the church; and Mike Murphy, who has advised Bush for decades, signed onto a 2013 brief calling on the Supreme Court to overturn California’s now-defunct ban on same-sex marriage, known Proposition 8.
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And then there’s Sekulow. He and his father, Jay Sekulow, a longtime backer and friend of former presidential candidate Mitt Romney, opened ACLJ-affiliated offices in Africa for the purposes of lobbying politicians to “take the Christian’s views into consideration as they draft legislation and policies,” according to their website. The group tried and failed to defeat a draft version of the Kenyan constitution, which they argued was too lenient toward the LGBT community and would allow “abortion on demand.” (Abortion is illegal in Kenya except for in limited circumstances, such as when the health of the mother is at risk.) In Zimbabwe, one of the most dangerous countries for LGBT people, Sekulow’s group worked to keep homosexuality a criminal offense.
Despite this history, however, the people who cheered Bush’s apparent shift to the center on gay rights said their perceptions of his candidacy hadn’t changed with Sekulow’s hire. Adding someone to the team who can appeal to the evangelical wing of the party, they explained, is a necessary and smart strategy for an establishment candidate like Bush approaching a primary election that will likely present stiff competition from the right. And while advisers are influential, they don’t have total control over a candidate’s views.









