As a gender economist, my question with tipping is not how much—it’s how come? When we look at the data, we find that tipping stymies the economic potential of women and even more disproportionately, women of color. It also hinders the economic prosperity of our entire country.
To add fuel to the fire, the roots of American-style tipping trace back to the legacy of slavery. In the aftermath of the Civil War, tipping allowed employers to pay newly-freed slaves a $0 wage under the premise that customers’ tips would compensate. We call this $0 wage-plus-gratuity a tipped minimum wage. Today, instead of $0 per hour, the federal tipped minimum wage is $2.13 for every hour on the clock.
The tipped minimum wage has been harming women and the US economy—not to mention perpetuating slavery’s legacy—long before COVID-19 hit. Now, with the pandemic amplifying many of society’s inequities, we cannot afford complacency in this arena.
Tipping: an American tradition with disastrous externalities
Recently, one of my colleagues was reminiscing about her previous job at a steakhouse in Wisconsin. As a server, she was responsible for preparing the dining hall (pre-shift), waiting on tables, and then cleaning the dining hall at the end of the night (post-shift).
Like most restaurants, her former employer relied on a variety of tipped-workers, including servers, bussers, hosts and bartenders.
In her home state of Wisconsin, state labor laws require employers to pay tipped employees a minimum wage of $2.33 an hour—20 cents above the federal minimum wage but $6.65 lower than my home state’s (Colorado) minimum wage
Since 1991, the federal tipped minimum wage has been frozen at $2.13 an hour. Meanwhile, the non-tipped federal minimum wage has risen 70.6 percent and consumer prices have gone up 90.24 percent.
Federal law assumes tip-earning employees earn enough weekly gratuities to compensate for the $5.12 gap between the tipped minimum wage ($2.13) and the non-tipped minimum wage ($7.25). When this doesn’t happen, and employee wages plus tips don’t add up to $7.25 an hour, the onus ostensibly falls on employers to make up the difference. However, a DOL investigation of over 9,000 restaurants found 84 percent had at least one minimum wage violation in which employees earned less than $7.25 an hour after factoring in their weekly tips. This form of wage theft impacts 17 percent of low-wage workers in our economy and comes at an estimated $15 billion cost for tipped workers annually.
Minimum wage violations help explain why tipped employees are twice as likely (and servers nearly three times as likely) than non-tipped workers to live in poverty. In fact, restaurant workers occupy seven out of the ten lowest-paid jobs in the US economy.
And considering how the full-service restaurant sector has increased 86 percent between 1990 and 2013 while aggregate growth of the private sector rose by only 24 percent during the same period, calls for reforming the two-tier minimum wage system only grow louder.
As I mentioned earlier, I’m a gender economist. That means I disaggregate economic data by gender (as well as race, ethnicity, and age when the data is available). Watch what happens when we apply the intersectional gender lens to tipped wages.
Women of color, the majority of tipped workers, feel the effects of wage inequity first
Women are the first to feel the economic consequences of the tipped minimum wage. They make up 51 percent of the U.S. population, hold 49.7 percent of non-farm jobs, yet represent 70 percent of all workers in tip-dependent occupations. (Think servers, bartenders, hairstylists, etc.) Of the entire labor force, 2.6 percent of women versus 1.5 percent of men receive tips in at least one of their jobs.
Given this gender breakdown and what we discussed above, it makes sense that the poverty rate for tipped female workers is more than double the poverty rate of all workers. And, as a reappearing theme of today’s triple health/economic/racial crisis, women of color are hit hardest by the negative effects of the tipped minimum wage. More than 40 percent of the tipped workforce is Black, Latino, or Asian, and Latinas are almost twice as likely to work for tips as white, non-Hispanic men.
Compared to tipped white men, tipped Black women take home $5.00 less per hour and are less likely to work in fine-dining restaurants where tips skew higher. People of color hold 47 percent of tipped positions at casual dining restaurants versus 32 percent in finer establishments.
Yet another dimension of intersectional gender inequity comes from the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, which found food service and accommodation workers represented one out of seven sexual harassment charges from 2005 to 2015. In many cases, tipped workers are told to alter their appearance or dress “sexier” to appease the customer base.
It’s 2020. Why are we asking people to accept the unacceptable because their economic well-being depends on it? Why are we forcing people to choose between their economic security and their physical safety?









