On May 19, 1977, millions of Americans tuned in to watch an installment of David Frost’s multipart interview with former President Richard Nixon. This was nearly three years after the Republican was forced to resign in disgrace, and public interest in Nixon and the Watergate scandal remained high.
Viewers to the third part of the Frost/Nixon Q&A saw the former president deliver one of the most memorable political claims of the generation: “When the president does it, that means it is not illegal.”
For nearly a half-century, Nixon’s claim has stood as a classic example of political and legal radicalism. In the United States, no one is above the law, and the idea that a president’s official actions, by definition, are legal — even when they’re not — represented obvious madness.
Indeed, it’s not as if there was a spirited public conversation in 1977 about whether or not Nixon was correct. He plainly was not. The former president’s assertion, nearly five decades later, still seems shocking, dangerous, and in a rather literal sense, un-American.
Alas, Republican Supreme Court justices have come to the conclusion that Nixon was onto to something. In a 6-3 ruling in Trump v. U.S. — an oddly fitting case name, given the circumstances — the high court’s dominant far-right majority concluded that some of Donald Trump’s efforts to overturn his 2020 defeat are immune from criminal prosecution. As my MSNBC colleague Jordan Rubin explained:
In the majority opinion by Chief Justice John Roberts, the court said former presidents are entitled to “absolute immunity” from criminal prosecution for actions within their conclusive and preclusive constitutional authority. Former presidents, Roberts wrote, are entitled to at least presumptive immunity from prosecution for all their official acts. There is no immunity for unofficial acts, the court said.
It’s notable that the court’s GOP-appointed members chose to issue the decision the same week as the Fourth of July holiday — an occasion in which Americans have traditionally celebrated the time when we forcefully rejected the idea that we would be ruled by an unaccountable king.
In terms of the practical implications, special counsel Jack Smith’s election-related case now returns to the district court, which as Rubin’s report explained, will begin trying to determine whether Trump’s alleged misconduct included official or unofficial acts, “which will likely add further delay to the case, making it even more unlikely to go to trial before the November election.”
To put it mildly, few saw this coming. In fact, it was widely assumed that Trump would lose the case, but the defeat would be inconsequential because the Supreme Court ran out the clock, ensuring that the presumptive GOP nominee’s case wouldn’t go to trial before Election Day 2024. This, many observers assumed, was the real scandal.
As regular readers might recall, it was easy to argue that the litigation was hardly a real case to begin with. Trump’s lawyers, desperate to delay the legal proceedings, appeared to concoct a bizarre legal claim as a transparent stalling tactic.
To the extent that this ever was a legitimate question, it was answered emphatically by the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals, which issued a unanimous ruling in February.
“It would be a striking paradox if the president, who alone is vested with the constitutional duty to take care that the laws be faithfully executed, were the sole officer capable of defying those laws with impunity,” the judges concluded, adding, “We cannot accept that the office of the presidency places its former occupants above the law for all time thereafter.”
The D.C. Circuit went on to describe Trump’s position as “irrational,” adding that under the Republican’s preferred approach, presidents would be “free to commit all manner of crimes with impunity.”








