When Adam Kinzinger launched his career in Republican politics in 2010, the Illinois congressional candidate welcomed the support of Sarah Palin and Tea Party groups. It was widely assumed that the young military veteran — Kinzinger was only 33 when he first arrived on Capitol Hill — would be a reliable ally of the GOP’s conservative base.
And on most substantive issues, those assumptions proved true. Kinzinger was often described as a relative moderate in his party, but his voting record reflected the congressman’s conservative worldview. While no one ever lumped him in with the GOP’s partisan bomb-throwers, Kinzinger rarely broke party ranks.
But voting records only tell part of a larger story. While casting conservative votes on many key issues, the Illinois congressman saw his party drifting further away from democratic principles and aligning itself with Donald Trump. Kinzinger seemed determined to resist the tide and help prevent his party from drifting further into madness.
That is, until this morning, when the Republican lawmaker announced he won’t seek re-election. NBC News reported:
The 43-year-old Illinois representative announced his decision to retire from Congress in a five-minute-long video posted on social media. He said that during his first campaign for Congress more than a decade ago, he told himself “that if I ever thought it was time to move on from Congress, I would, and that time is now.”
It’s far from clear what Kinzinger’s next move might be. In the spring, he told the Chicago Sun-Times that if Illinois’ Democratic legislature drew an unfriendly district map, it would make a U.S. Senate or gubernatorial race “a little more attractive, I guess.”
It was against this backdrop that the congressman’s video added this morning, “This isn’t the end of my political future — but the beginning.”
With this in mind, it’s understandable that some of today’s coverage is focusing on gerrymandering. After all, Democratic legislators in Illinois — just like Republican legislators in several red states — sliced up the state’s congressional districts to maximize partisan goals. As such, if Kinzinger ran for another U.S. House term next year, he’d likely have to run against a fellow incumbent Republican, Rep. Darin LaHood, in a primary.
Given Kinzinger’s weak support with the GOP base, that’s a primary he’d likely lose.
But let’s not miss the forest for the trees. In recent years, Kinzinger’s career has been defined by his efforts to rescue the Republican Party from its radical trajectory. His goals were less about specific policy measures and more about democracy itself — and the GOP’s hostility towards democracy’s principles.
After the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol, for example, House Democratic leaders pushed a resolution calling on then-Vice President Mike Pence and the White House cabinet to remove Trump from office. Kinzinger was literally the only GOP member to vote for it.
Soon after, 10 House Republicans voted to hold Trump accountable through impeachment, and Kinzinger was one of the 10. He proceeded to plead with Senate Republicans to convict Trump, insisting it would help “save America from going further down a sad, dangerous road.” (Most GOP senators ignored the advice.)








