Amid growing outrage and accusations that it had committed a war crime, the Trump administration spent the weekend denying reports that the U.S. military struck an alleged drug trafficking boat in the Caribbean in September and, upon seeing survivors, immediately conducted a second strike that killed them.
But on Monday, White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt said the second deadly strike did occur. She said Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth had authorized an admiral to conduct “these kinetic strikes” on the suspected drug vessel — and she said that second strike was conducted in “self-defense to protect Americans in vital United States interests.”
If the Trump administration’s argument that this is a legitimate armed conflict doesn’t hold water in the long run, things could look even worse.
Even before Leavitt’s admission that the second strike happened, some legal experts and U.S. lawmakers had already expressed alarm. They argued that even if one accepts the flimsy legal pretext the administration says justifies its belligerence in the seas of the Western hemisphere, that the second deadly strike constituted either a war crime or murder.
The Washington Post, citing two people with direct knowledge of the operation, reported Friday that a Special Operations commander overseeing the Sept. 2 attack ordered a second strike against two survivors who were “clinging to the smoldering wreck” of a boat the U.S. military struck. That second strike, the sources said, was meant to fulfill a spoken directive from Hegseth. One of the sources told the Post, “The order was to kill everybody.” The Post’s reporting builds upon previous reporting from The Intercept and was partially corroborated by CNN.
Jack Goldsmith, a Harvard Law School professor and former top Justice Department lawyer under President George W. Bush, wrote Friday that there is “no conceivable legal justification” for the order described in the Post report. As he pointed out, the Department of Defense Law of War Manual says, “It is forbidden to declare that no quarter will be given.” Denial of quarter means “refusing to spare the life of anybody, even of persons manifestly unable to defend themselves or who clearly express their intention to surrender,” according to the international humanitarian law casebook published by the International Committee of the Red Cross.
A group of unnamed former U.S. military lawyers, identified as “The Former JAGs Working Group,” said in a statement published by Just Security, “If the U.S. military operation to interdict and destroy suspected narcotrafficking vessels is a ‘non-international armed conflict,’ as the Trump Administration suggests, orders to ‘kill everybody,’ which can reasonably be regarded as an order to give ‘no quarter,’ and to ‘double-tap’ a target in order to kill survivors, are clearly illegal under international law. In short, they are war crimes.”
The statement also suggested that if the Trump administration’s argument that this is a legitimate armed conflict doesn’t hold water in the long run, things could look even worse: “If the U.S. military operation is not an armed conflict of any kind, these orders to kill helpless civilians clinging to the wreckage of a vessel our military destroyed would subject everyone from SECDEF down to the individual who pulled the trigger to prosecution under U.S. law for murder.”
The Trump administration says it has killed more than 80 people in more than 20 strikes on vessels it says were transporting drugs from Venezuela (without providing evidence) and justified those strikes by describing them as targeting terrorist groups. As the former JAGS indicate, the administration is framing the strikes as part of a “non-international armed conflict” — “non-international” because the attacks target an organized non-state actor.








