When federal officers stormed out of an Immigration and Customs Enforcement building in Portland, Oregon, earlier this month, President Donald Trump almost got the dramatic footage he’s been looking for since he began falsely claiming the city was a virtual war zone.
Instead, he got a viral video of a giant frog being pepper-sprayed.
As a protester fell to the ground during the confrontation, 24-year-old Seth Todd walked over in the inflatable frog costume he’s been wearing to ICE protests. An officer appeared to aim pepper spray directly at the costume’s bright orange air intake, located on his rear midsection.
A 14-second TikTok video of the encounter got 1.5 million likes, leading to a spate of news stories about the federal agents’ overreaction. In an interview with The Oregonian, Todd undercut the agents’ use of pepper spray even more, saying that he’s “definitely had spicier tamales.”
The Portland Frog, as he’s become known, has helped inspire other protesters to adopt a more absurdist approach to pushing back against the Trump administration’s actions. And Todd’s methods are part of a broader approach to political protest in Portland that can be traced back to Oregon’s earliest days as a state.
This history contains some hard-won lessons about political organizing that the rest of the country can use now.
Master the ‘still hunt’
Oregon’s leading suffragist in the late 1800s and early 1900s, Abigail Scott Duniway, pioneered a method she called the “still hunt,” after the hunter’s tactic of quietly stalking game. Since men’s votes were needed to win women’s equality, Duniway avoided confrontation and instead used humor to win them over. Some of her funnier lines read like they were posted on social media yesterday: “It’s odd that men feel they must protect women, since for the most part they must be protected from men,” she once said.
Make protest joyous
In the early 1900s, Portland was a hotbed for the Industrial Workers of the World, a radical labor group. When some Northwest cities such as Washington state’s Aberdeen and Spokane attempted to ban their organizing, the Wobblies, as they were called, would stage a free-speech fight. After calling in sympathizers from neighboring cities and states, a Wobbly would stand up in a public park to begin a speech. When that person was arrested, another would take his place, until the city jail was full of Wobblies, who would spend the night raucously singing pro-labor songs. Eventually, city leaders would rescind the bans.
Use overreaction to your advantage
In 1970, Portland was a mostly conservative working-class city, not inclined to support a Vietnam War protest. So, public support was not high when students at Portland State University — radicalized by the Kent State shooting — took over several blocks and put up barricades with jokey names such as Fort Tricia Nixon. But when a conservative mayor sent in police with helmets and batons to break up the protest, leaving 30 demonstrators and four police injured, something changed.
The following day, 3,500 people of all ages marched on City Hall to protest the violent handling of what became known as the Battle of Park Blocks. (In a brilliant countermove, the state’s Republican governor then helped stop more violence by working with a group of hippies to hold a massive music festival outside the city to draw potential protesters away from a planned visit by President Richard Nixon.)









