While the election for our next commander-in-chief plays out, I’m constantly reminded of a fact that my service in both the Iraq War and in Congress has taught me: There are few things more dangerous in Washington than a lack of perspective on national security affairs.
It’s ironic that tomorrow night’s presidential debate comes exactly 10 years after George W. Bush signed the Iraq War Resolution on October 16, 2002, a decision tragically resulting in more than 4,000 American lives lost, tens of thousands wounded, and a fiscal cost of $3 trillion dollars.
War policy has mostly been an afterthought during this election as Americans become almost numb to perpetual war. An overwhelming complacency has gripped our political leaders while less than 1% of Americans actually served in the military Iraq or Afghanistan, or had “skin in the game.”
As the only Iraq War veteran serving in the House of Representatives during my first term, I was often disgusted, not only by my colleagues’ lack of empathy for our troops, but also their failure to grasp the gravity of their foreign policy decisions. I remember 2007, three years removed from my own deployment to Baghdad and a few months into my first term in Congress – the new guy, still trying to figure out where the bathrooms were. I understood very quickly what was real and what was theater. Once you cut through all the over-the-top rhetoric, it was obvious that funding was the only real leverage we had to end the war. Nothing else would force President Bush to adopt a timeline in Iraq.
But the question of funding the troops was a third rail that no one wanted to touch. A tumultuous political dance led to late nights on the House floor. I ran into a huffy colleague, indignant that he had to be there late, during one of these marathon sessions. He wanted to go home before midnight to sleep. I snapped, reminding my colleague that at that moment there were troops walking point over in Baghdad and Kandahar and they don’t get to sleep either.
Soldiers were literally fighting and dying as we slowly pondered their fate, and some elected officials couldn’t be bothered because they were too tired. But I was alarmed less by the whining and more by the realization that many were oblivious to the consequences of our actions – or inactions. It wasn’t until that moment that I truly realized how disconnected our government had become.
Here we were, supposedly the greatest deliberative body in the world, determining the fate and future on two wars, more than 100,000 American troops, 25 million Iraqis, and 35 million Afghanis, and some folks in Congress just couldn’t be bothered.
Yet, as dangerous as it is to have members of Congress who fundamentally misunderstand these key issues, putting someone with this lack of perspective in the Oval Office could prove catastrophic. Whereas any given member of Congress is just one voice in a chamber of 435, the president has tremendous discretion on foreign policy.
Our next commander-in-chief will face a daunting array of national security threats from day one. We continue to be at war in Afghanistan, a nuclear Iran remains on the horizon, and violence rages in Syria.
The Mitt Romney campaign has provided the American people only a glimpse into how a Romney presidency would tackle his national security obligations. His foreign policies consist largely of talking points from a neoconservative agenda that colossally failed a decade ago, such as an unclear timeline in Afghanistan and constant saber rattling on Iran.
Romney’s policies are nothing more than, to paraphrase former Sec. of State Madeleine Albright, a laundry list of shallow platitudes plainly lacking in specifics. Perhaps most alarmingly, he has falsely used tragedies abroad to score cheap political points, as he did with the attack in Libya that resulted in the death of Ambassador Christopher Stevens and three American Foreign Service officers. Stevens’ father called for his son’s death to be left out of the politics of the presidential campaign. He told Bloomberg news, “It would really be abhorrent to make this into a campaign issue.”
Moreover, we have on our hands a crisis in veterans’ affairs: 18 veterans every single day tragically succumb to suicide, while unemployment among veterans who do make it home remains rampant. Unlike Rep. Paul Ryan, the Republican vice presidential candidate and my former colleague in the House, who voted against an extension of the post-9/11 G.I. Bill, the next president will not be able to shirk these responsibilities.








